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of history if it is underwritten by the abundance of a modern free market economy. Ideology in this sense is not restricted to the secular and explicit political doctrines we usually associate with the term, but can include religion, culture, and the complex of moral values underlying any society as well. As Kojève (among others) noted, the egalitarianism of modern America represents the essential achievement of the classless society envisioned by Marx. the basic principles of the liberal democratic state could not be improved upon. And indeed, Kojève's life was consistent with his teaching. But the former is explained by commercial motives and the latter is a vestige of earlier ideologically-based rivalries. Western capitalism and political liberalism when transplanted to Japan were adapted and transformed by the Japanese in such a way as to be scarcely recognizable.

The movement influenced the art more than the literature, with engravings, woodcuts, and paintings reflecting the new thinking. As Foreign Minister Shevardnadze put it in mid-1988: The struggle between two opposing systems is no longer a determining tendency of short essays on language alejandro parini the present-day era. Maybe the modesty, and the true honest nature of Albrecht Dürer. International life for the part of the world that has reached the end of history is far more preoccupied with economics than with politics or strategy. How will the overall characteristics of a de-ideologized world differ from those of the one with which we are familiar at such a hypothetical juncture? Gorbachev and his allies have consistently maintained that intraparty democracy was somehow the essence of Leninism, and that the various lib era1 practices of open debate, secret ballot elections, and rule of law were all part of the Leninist heritage, corrupted only later by Stalin. Important as these changes in China have been, however, it is developments in the Soviet Union - the original "homeland of the world proletariat" - that have put the final nail in the coffin of the Marxist-Leninist alternative to liberal democracy.

This is certainly not what happened to China after it began its reform process. It should be clear that in terms of formal institutions, not much has changed in the four years since Gorbachev has come to power: free markets and the cooperative movement represent only a small part of the Soviet economy, which remains centrally planned; the political. And yet, all of these people sense dimly that there is some larger process at work, a process that gives coherence and order to the daily headlines. The student demonstrations in Beijing that broke out first in December 1986 and recurred recently on the occasion of Hu Yao-bang's death were only the beginning of what will inevitably be mounting pressure for change in the political system as well.